Ethiopia’s election is about affirming national commitment to democracy

A national vote alone cannot address all challenges in the country, but it can be a step toward democratic consolidation.

On June 1, more than 57 million Ethiopians are going to the polls in the country’s seventh national election since the adoption of the 1995 constitution. At a time when democratic systems across the world are under strain, Ethiopia’s vote is more than a routine electoral event — it is a significant test of whether a large, diverse, and rapidly changing state can navigate the difficult process of democratic transition.

Ethiopia’s electoral system differs from that of many African countries. Voters do not directly elect a president; instead, they choose parliamentary representatives, reflecting a system closer to that of the United Kingdom. In this election, 47 political parties and more than 10,000 candidates are competing for seats at both the federal and regional levels.

The government’s performance in key sectors over the past few years is expected to reflect positively on the election outcome. During the past electoral cycle, Ethiopia has recorded strong economic growth, with average annual gross domestic product (GDP) expansion of around 7.5 percent and projections for this year reaching more than 10 percent.

These figures are not just abstract statistics. Across major cities, including Addis Ababa, visible urban transformation is under way, reinforced by ambitious infrastructure development and a renewed push in agriculture and industry.

Export performance has improved markedly, driven by agriculture and mining, while sectors such as tourism and digital services are beginning to play a growing role in the economy. The completion of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam has further cemented the country’s position as a regional energy powerhouse, with additional large-scale projects in the pipeline pointing to continued economic momentum.

At the same time, the government faces serious challenges. Economic and security challenges remain areas that need continued intervention from the government to meet the ever-growing public demand. Yet the opposition has not managed to capitalise on this challenge by developing a coherent and compelling alternative way to address the challenges.

Many opposition groups remain fragmented along ethnic and sectarian lines, limiting their ability to compete effectively within Ethiopia’s first-past-the-post electoral system. In such a system, a divided opposition risks diluting its own support base, often translating into disproportionate advantages for the incumbent.

Against this backdrop, steps