How did the notion of ‘two-tier policing’ evolve, and does it really exist?

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How did the notion of ‘two-tier policing’ evolve, and does it really exist?

Data discredits claims reawakened by the death of Henry Nowak that UK police actions disadvantage white people The US government has joined criticism of alleged two-tier policing in the UK in the wake of Henry Nowak’s murder . How did the term enter the mainstream, and is there any basis for the claim? Continue reading...

Data discredits claims reawakened by the death of Henry Nowak that UK police actions disadvantage white people

The US government has joined criticism of alleged two-tier policing in the UK in the wake of Henry Nowak’s murder. How did the term enter the mainstream, and is there any basis for the claim?

The term, which suggests police deal more harshly with white people than other ethnic groups, first came to prominence through its use by people on the far right. Tommy Robinson, whose real name is Stephen Yaxley-Lennon, complained in 2012 of “a two-tier system where Muslims are treated more favourably than non-Muslims”. He repeated his theory when Muslims were convicted in child sex grooming scandals.

Suella Braverman, the then home secretary, accused police of in 2023 of “double standards” after the Met gave the go-ahead for a pro-Palestine march on Armistice Day.

But the concept of two-tier policing that disadvantages white people really gained traction in 2024, with claims that white far-right “protesters” involved in the Southport riots were treated more harshly because of their race or beliefs.

Robinson, with the support of Elon Musk, was among those making the claims, as was the Reform UK leader, Nigel Farage, who pointed to what he claimed was “soft policing of the Black Lives Matter protests”.

The phrase “two-tier” has become commonplace on the front pages of rightwing newspapers, not always in relation to policing, but emphasising claims that white British people are being disadvantaged more generally.

The comparison of the far-right violence in the Southport riots with Black Lives Matter protests or those organised by pro-Palestinian groups appears to be deeply flawed, given that the latter two were organised protests and involved limited disorder. As Priti Patel observed when she was a Conservative leadership candidate in 2024: “There’s a clear difference between effectively blocking streets or roads being closed to burning down libraries, hotels, food banks and attacking places of worship.”

There were undoubtedly serious policing failures with respect to grooming gangs, but the suggestion that a fear of racism claims was the reason has continued to be contested. Victim blaming has been highlighted as another factor.

In England and Wales, police use of force, which includes handcuffing, batons and Taser use, is three times more likely to be applied against black people than white people, according to data.

Racial disparities in the criminal justice system often start with arrest. Black people are twice as likely as their white counterp

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